The Separation between State and Religion

In time we will realize that Democracy is the entitlement of individuals to every right that was in its times alloted to kings. The right to speak and decide, to be treated with decency, to serve and be served by people in a State of “love” that is, to serve with one’s work for the development of ‘life’. To belong to the Kingdom of Human Beings without racial, national, social or academic separations. To love and be loved. To die at the service of the whole and be honored in one’s death, for one’s life and work was legitimately valued. To be graceful and grateful. To have the pride and the humility of being One with the Universe, One with every realm of Existence, One with every living and deceased soul. To treat with dignity and be treated with dignity for One is dignified together with All others and Life itself. To walk the path of compassion, not in the sorrow of guilt but in the pride of being. To take responsability for one’s mistakes and sufferings and stand up again and again like a hero and a heroine and face the struggle that is put at one’s feet and in one’s hands. Millions of people, millions and millions of people might take many generations to realize the consciousness of our humaneness but there is no other dignified path for the human being.

The “work” as I conceive it is psychological and political. Psychology is the connection between the different dimensions within one’s self and Politics is the actualization of that consciousness in our practical lives. Religion is the ceremony that binds the connectedness between the individual and the Universe. The separation between religion, politics and science, the arts and sports is, in the sphere of the social, the reflection of the schizophrenia within the individual and the masses. The dialogue between individuality and the "human" belongs to consciousness. The tendency to develop cults resides in the shortcomings we’are finding in life as it is structured today. “Life” has become the private property of a few priviledged who cannot profit from it because as soon as it is appropriated it stops to be “life” or “life-giving”.

We are all the victims of our own invention and each one is called upon to find solutions. The only problem is believing our selves incapable of finding them. We are now free to use all Systems of knowledge objectively, sharing them without imposing our will on each other. To become objective about our lives means to understand that the institutions that govern its experience are critically important. That we are one with the governments, one with the religious activities that mark its pace, that the arena’s in which we move our bodies and the laboratories in which we explore our possibilities are ALL part and parcel of our own personal responsibility. That WE ARE ONE WITH EACH OTHER AND EVERYTHING AROUND US and acknowledge for ourselves a bond of love in conscious responsibility. That we human beings know ourselves part of each other and are willing and able to act on our behalf for the benefit of each and every individual. That we no longer allow governments, industries, universities or any other institution to run along unchecked by the objective principles of humaneness. That we do not allow gurus to abuse their power or governors to steal the taxes and use them to their personal advantage in detriment of the whole. That we do not allow abuse from anyone anywhere because life is too beautiful to do so and that we are willing to stop the rampant crime with the necessary compassion Conscious knowledge is every individual's right. Conscious action is every individual's duty.

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Saturday 22 May 2010

The Struggle to Weigh Human Rights Concerns in Trade Policymaking


http://www.globallawbooks.org/reviews/detail.asp?id=460

Trade Imbalance: The Struggle to Weigh Human Rights Concerns in Trade Policymaking. By Susan Ariel Aaronson and Jamie M. Zimmerman. Cambridge: Cambridge University Press, 2008. Pp. 337. $85.00.
Reviewed by Sébastien Jodoin, Legal Research Fellow, Centre for International Sustainable Development Law.
 
Scholars and policymakers have only recently begun to develop a rigorous understanding of the relationship between trade and human rights. The authors of the present book seek to provide readers with greater insight into this relationship, with the ultimate aim of helping policymakers to better govern globalisation.
 
This book is not a study of potential conflicts between legal norms at the intersection of the trade and human rights regimes, nor is it an examination of the impacts of trade on the enjoyment of specific human rights. The book rather focuses on how policymakers make trade policy and how they address human rights concerns when doing so, and is thus primarily addressed to policymakers working on these issues. The authors themselves, Susan Ariel Aaronson and Jamie M. Zimmerman, hail from the field of political science and are actively engaged in public policy endeavours.
 
Chapter 1 provides readers with background on some of the existing scholarship on trade and human rights issues in public policy, globalisation studies, international relations, and international law.. It also introduces readers to the methodology employed by the authors: the bulk of the original research for this book derives from detailed interviews with policymakers, negotiators, scholars and stakeholders at the forefront of these issues.
 
Chapter 2 discusses the various avenues through which governments may address human rights concerns in the WTO, including accession negotiations, waivers, general exceptions, dispute settlement, trade policy reviews, amendments, and clarifications. In particular, the authors discuss debates bearing on labour rights and standards as well as on agricultural liberalisation and the right to food. The authors conclude that while States are open to discussing human rights issues in the WTO, they continue to disagree on the manner in which these issues should be addressed in the trade regime.
 
Chapters 3 to 6 are composed of four case studies focusing on how South Africa, Brazil, the European Union and the United States resolve conflicts between their trade and human rights objectives at the national and international levels, how they link human rights concerns to trade in trade agreements and use, or fail to use, trade for the promotion of human rights abroad. Each case study focuses on specific areas of tension: labour rights, black economic empowerment programmes, TRIPS and the right to health, and trade in certified diamonds in South Africa; TRIPS and the right to health, intellectual property rights and access to biodiversity, and labour rights in Brazil; transparency in the trade policymaking process, and the common agricultural policy and agricultural liberalisation in the EU; and labour rights, and the protection of intellectual property rights in the USA. Of particular interest is the way in which the case studies as a whole reveal the inconsistencies in how actors address human rights issues in trade policy.
 
The authors conclude the book by formulating a number of policy recommendations on how to best balance trade and human rights objectives, including improving the coordination of trade and human rights policymaking, developing human rights assessment and advisory processes, drawing on corporate social responsibility initiatives, and fostering greater international cooperation on key areas of tension.
 
Ultimately, the authors’ diagnosis is more interesting than the prescriptions that they propose. Their analysis of how trade policy addresses and can address human rights issues is salient and does not suffer from the imprecision, which often afflicts works and discourses that employ human rights language in the trade context. On the other hand, although the authors have the virtue of not proposing a narrow reform agenda merely focused on changing specific rules, some of their policy recommendations may strike some readers as not particularly developed or original.

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