The Separation between State and Religion

In time we will realize that Democracy is the entitlement of individuals to every right that was in its times alloted to kings. The right to speak and decide, to be treated with decency, to serve and be served by people in a State of “love” that is, to serve with one’s work for the development of ‘life’. To belong to the Kingdom of Human Beings without racial, national, social or academic separations. To love and be loved. To die at the service of the whole and be honored in one’s death, for one’s life and work was legitimately valued. To be graceful and grateful. To have the pride and the humility of being One with the Universe, One with every realm of Existence, One with every living and deceased soul. To treat with dignity and be treated with dignity for One is dignified together with All others and Life itself. To walk the path of compassion, not in the sorrow of guilt but in the pride of being. To take responsability for one’s mistakes and sufferings and stand up again and again like a hero and a heroine and face the struggle that is put at one’s feet and in one’s hands. Millions of people, millions and millions of people might take many generations to realize the consciousness of our humaneness but there is no other dignified path for the human being.

The “work” as I conceive it is psychological and political. Psychology is the connection between the different dimensions within one’s self and Politics is the actualization of that consciousness in our practical lives. Religion is the ceremony that binds the connectedness between the individual and the Universe. The separation between religion, politics and science, the arts and sports is, in the sphere of the social, the reflection of the schizophrenia within the individual and the masses. The dialogue between individuality and the "human" belongs to consciousness. The tendency to develop cults resides in the shortcomings we’are finding in life as it is structured today. “Life” has become the private property of a few priviledged who cannot profit from it because as soon as it is appropriated it stops to be “life” or “life-giving”.

We are all the victims of our own invention and each one is called upon to find solutions. The only problem is believing our selves incapable of finding them. We are now free to use all Systems of knowledge objectively, sharing them without imposing our will on each other. To become objective about our lives means to understand that the institutions that govern its experience are critically important. That we are one with the governments, one with the religious activities that mark its pace, that the arena’s in which we move our bodies and the laboratories in which we explore our possibilities are ALL part and parcel of our own personal responsibility. That WE ARE ONE WITH EACH OTHER AND EVERYTHING AROUND US and acknowledge for ourselves a bond of love in conscious responsibility. That we human beings know ourselves part of each other and are willing and able to act on our behalf for the benefit of each and every individual. That we no longer allow governments, industries, universities or any other institution to run along unchecked by the objective principles of humaneness. That we do not allow gurus to abuse their power or governors to steal the taxes and use them to their personal advantage in detriment of the whole. That we do not allow abuse from anyone anywhere because life is too beautiful to do so and that we are willing to stop the rampant crime with the necessary compassion Conscious knowledge is every individual's right. Conscious action is every individual's duty.

Blog Archive

Saturday 22 May 2010

Human Rights, Culture and the Rule of Law. By Jessica Almqvist


Elena: This is an important book for me. For US. The reviewer's questions are important but the author's impulse is much more.


http://www.globallawbooks.org/reviews/detail.asp?id=199

Human Rights, Culture and the Rule of Law. By Jessica Almqvist. Oxford and Portland, Oregon: Hart Publishing, 2005. Pp.XIII+242. £40.00
Reviewed by Manuel Núñez, Ph.D., Professor of Constitutional Law at School of Law, Universidad Católica del Norte, Chile.
 
At first glance it seems to be another book about an insipid topic for lawyers and practitioners. Concepts like culture, right to culture, approaches to culture or cultural equipment are often discussed with darkness and vagueness. What usually appears clear and useful for legal sociologists, may also give the impression of being not too practical for those who are looking for more answers than theoretical questions. But, fortunately, it is not the case: Almqvist’s doctoral thesis looks at the relationship between culture and human rights in multicultural societies from an unusual, fresh and useful angle. From a lot of possible viewpoints, Almqvist chose to deepen the linkage found between individual’s cultural background (in particular newcomers who are social or cultural foreigners) and the legal recognition of diversity in modern societies. Therefore, the book’s value lies on the fresh attempt to systematize the main theoretical and practical issues involved on that relationship.
 
The core of the book is contained in chapters 3-6. The book’s starting point is at chapter three. After a brief introduction about the current situation of right to culture and right to enjoy one’s own cultural identity in international law (chapter two), Almqvist criticizes what she identifies as the four variants of current human rights approach to culture: avoidance, idealism, simplicity and particularism. From the Author’s perspective the current human rights approach avoids addressing critical questions about law and policy connected with “the reality of cultural difference as a source of disagreement, conflict, ignorance and alienation”.
 
Avoidance means refusal to discuss about deep values underlying human rights (reminiscent of Bobbio’s suggestion, in order to abandon the philosophical discussion about rights in favour to strengthen the legal protection). The variant known asparticularism is identified with those approaches that denies or conceal the minimum of universalism required for human rights claim. Idealism deals with aspirationalist features that characterize several liberties of last waves of human rights. Lastly, the excessively court-centered approach of human rights, which considers the realm of rights outside political process, is branded as simplicity. From this viewpoint, certain issues are more suitably dealt within legislative process than in legal adjudication; therefore, here lies an enrichment of court-centered conception of Rule of Law (see pages 47 and 136). This call for political intervention is deepened in chapters five and seven, where the reader can find several pages devoted to the importance of being possessor of legal tools (provided by legislative branch) qualified to overcome barriers derived from deficient “cultural equipment”. Access to law and public institutions, participation in political or economic life, and the right to allege ignorance of the Law are the most important devices developed by the Author. On the other side, in chapter seven the liberal and democratic are examined as frameworks of political process to respond to cultural conflicts in multicultural polities.
 
Chapter three finishes with an explanation about the meaning and context of the right to culture. This description is far of the aspirational language common to some international treaties and recent studies (in fact, Almqvist does not argue for more codified rights). With a fresh and well balanced battery of concepts, the Author suggests and defends an original human rights approach to culture, an approach not necessarily grounded on Law. From a cosmopolitan background (which also criticizes the nation based approach to human rights), the Author presents a key trilogy that supports the most important duties of States and other public entities (the question about non-state actors is deliberately left aside as a choice of research) regarding the cultural diversity and its impact on human rights issues. The trilogy is composed of skills, norms (adiaphora) and ideologies that we learn or acquire as determining factors of our rights, inside and outside our native cultural system. Each of these components plays an important role in order to justify a special treatment (translated into legal and political duties) to eccentric behaviours based on cultural “infrastructure”.
 
As it has been said, the book offers a well balanced theoretical framework in order to clarify the meaning of right to culture. Unfortunately, the Author misses a good opportunity to place rightly the question about human rights in a universal context. Although she acknowledges the focus on liberal theories and liberal democratic societies as an important limitation of the research (see page 3), the reasons provided to justify this option does not seem to be enough to explain why the language of rights itself must be understood as a universal legal tool. In fact, one thing is to talk about theuniversality of human rights claims and other, quite different, is to talk about theuniversality of human rights. In the first case, we are talking about demands of justice, in the second we are implicitly granting the feature of universality to a truly particular language (a conquest of western modernity). In fact, the universality of the human rights language (diritti dell’Uomoderechos humanosMenschenrechtedroit de l’homme) is often taken for granted. However, comparative law and western law history (before the middle age, following Villey’s or Tierney’s thesis) demonstrates that the human rights language is also a particular language, namely, a particular discourse with its own grammar, speakers and ‑paraphrasing Wittgenstein‑ limits. In other words, it is not as universal as we can believe.

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