The Separation between State and Religion

In time we will realize that Democracy is the entitlement of individuals to every right that was in its times alloted to kings. The right to speak and decide, to be treated with decency, to serve and be served by people in a State of “love” that is, to serve with one’s work for the development of ‘life’. To belong to the Kingdom of Human Beings without racial, national, social or academic separations. To love and be loved. To die at the service of the whole and be honored in one’s death, for one’s life and work was legitimately valued. To be graceful and grateful. To have the pride and the humility of being One with the Universe, One with every realm of Existence, One with every living and deceased soul. To treat with dignity and be treated with dignity for One is dignified together with All others and Life itself. To walk the path of compassion, not in the sorrow of guilt but in the pride of being. To take responsability for one’s mistakes and sufferings and stand up again and again like a hero and a heroine and face the struggle that is put at one’s feet and in one’s hands. Millions of people, millions and millions of people might take many generations to realize the consciousness of our humaneness but there is no other dignified path for the human being.

The “work” as I conceive it is psychological and political. Psychology is the connection between the different dimensions within one’s self and Politics is the actualization of that consciousness in our practical lives. Religion is the ceremony that binds the connectedness between the individual and the Universe. The separation between religion, politics and science, the arts and sports is, in the sphere of the social, the reflection of the schizophrenia within the individual and the masses. The dialogue between individuality and the "human" belongs to consciousness. The tendency to develop cults resides in the shortcomings we’are finding in life as it is structured today. “Life” has become the private property of a few priviledged who cannot profit from it because as soon as it is appropriated it stops to be “life” or “life-giving”.

We are all the victims of our own invention and each one is called upon to find solutions. The only problem is believing our selves incapable of finding them. We are now free to use all Systems of knowledge objectively, sharing them without imposing our will on each other. To become objective about our lives means to understand that the institutions that govern its experience are critically important. That we are one with the governments, one with the religious activities that mark its pace, that the arena’s in which we move our bodies and the laboratories in which we explore our possibilities are ALL part and parcel of our own personal responsibility. That WE ARE ONE WITH EACH OTHER AND EVERYTHING AROUND US and acknowledge for ourselves a bond of love in conscious responsibility. That we human beings know ourselves part of each other and are willing and able to act on our behalf for the benefit of each and every individual. That we no longer allow governments, industries, universities or any other institution to run along unchecked by the objective principles of humaneness. That we do not allow gurus to abuse their power or governors to steal the taxes and use them to their personal advantage in detriment of the whole. That we do not allow abuse from anyone anywhere because life is too beautiful to do so and that we are willing to stop the rampant crime with the necessary compassion Conscious knowledge is every individual's right. Conscious action is every individual's duty.

Blog Archive

Friday 2 April 2010

Foucault: VERY IMPORTANT and relevant to what happens in cults


Elena:  This part of this article is magnificent! This is exactly what happened and happens.





To clarify, Foucault’s more specific example is that of auto-eroticism and the revolt 
against this in eighteenth-century Europe.  In this context, masturbation came to be 
viewed as a sickness, and a system of monitoring and control was instituted, in 
particular over the bodies of children.  Foucault writes, ‚But sexuality, through thus 
becoming an object of analysis and concern, surveillance and control, engenders as 
the same time an intensification of each individual’s desire for, in, an over his 
body.‛67  The sexual revolt against such repression can be seen as the counterpoint to 
this incursion.  The response from power is not to ‚quell the rebellion,‛ but rather to 
embrace it through an economic and ideological exploitation of eroticism and sexual 
‚liberation,‛ from sun-screen to pornographic films.68  As such, Foucault argues, 
control by repression but that of control by stimulation.  ‘Get undressed — but be 
slim, good-looking, tanned.‛’69  

In the case of EI, the ‚repression‛ of the emotional uniform is replaced by the 
‚stimulation‛ of emotional mufti.  Emotional expression replaces feeling rules and 
scripts.  But the intelligent management of feeling remains a lifelong project, one 
involving the continual and uncertain negotiation of how and when it is right to be 
angry, happy, enthusiastic, indifferent, and so forth: one to be undertaken against 
                                                 
65 
 M. Foucault, Power/Knowledge: Selected Interviews and Other Writings 1972–1977, edited by Colin 
Gordon (New York: Pantheon, 1980), 56. 
66 
 Ibid. 
67 
 Ibid., 57. 
68 
 Ibid. 
69 
 Ibid. 
Hughes: Emotional Intelligence 
47 

the transient, shifting and indefinite standard of what is appropriate in the ebb and 
flow of life within and beyond the workplace.  In this manner, the emancipation 
from the emotional uniform and the resistance of emotional scripts that is offered by 
EI is simultaneously a new form of governmentality: resistance becomes discipline, 
and equally, as I have argued elsewhere, this self-same discipline offers oppor- 
tunities for resistance — perhaps in the very name of emotional honesty and 
authenticity that has been solicited.70  The case of EI, then, would appear to exem- 
plify Foucault’s arguments that power is exercised as much through what is per- 
mitted as what is forbidden, through both collusion and opposition; indeed, it 
consists in the generation of such fields of discursive possibility.  As Foucault, here 
citing Servan, argues: ‚A stupid despot may constrain his slaves with iron chains; 
but a true politician binds them even more with the chain of their own ideas [which 
is] all the stronger if we do not know of what it is made and we believe it to be our 
own work.‛71  

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