The Separation between State and Religion

In time we will realize that Democracy is the entitlement of individuals to every right that was in its times alloted to kings. The right to speak and decide, to be treated with decency, to serve and be served by people in a State of “love” that is, to serve with one’s work for the development of ‘life’. To belong to the Kingdom of Human Beings without racial, national, social or academic separations. To love and be loved. To die at the service of the whole and be honored in one’s death, for one’s life and work was legitimately valued. To be graceful and grateful. To have the pride and the humility of being One with the Universe, One with every realm of Existence, One with every living and deceased soul. To treat with dignity and be treated with dignity for One is dignified together with All others and Life itself. To walk the path of compassion, not in the sorrow of guilt but in the pride of being. To take responsability for one’s mistakes and sufferings and stand up again and again like a hero and a heroine and face the struggle that is put at one’s feet and in one’s hands. Millions of people, millions and millions of people might take many generations to realize the consciousness of our humaneness but there is no other dignified path for the human being.

The “work” as I conceive it is psychological and political. Psychology is the connection between the different dimensions within one’s self and Politics is the actualization of that consciousness in our practical lives. Religion is the ceremony that binds the connectedness between the individual and the Universe. The separation between religion, politics and science, the arts and sports is, in the sphere of the social, the reflection of the schizophrenia within the individual and the masses. The dialogue between individuality and the "human" belongs to consciousness. The tendency to develop cults resides in the shortcomings we’are finding in life as it is structured today. “Life” has become the private property of a few priviledged who cannot profit from it because as soon as it is appropriated it stops to be “life” or “life-giving”.

We are all the victims of our own invention and each one is called upon to find solutions. The only problem is believing our selves incapable of finding them. We are now free to use all Systems of knowledge objectively, sharing them without imposing our will on each other. To become objective about our lives means to understand that the institutions that govern its experience are critically important. That we are one with the governments, one with the religious activities that mark its pace, that the arena’s in which we move our bodies and the laboratories in which we explore our possibilities are ALL part and parcel of our own personal responsibility. That WE ARE ONE WITH EACH OTHER AND EVERYTHING AROUND US and acknowledge for ourselves a bond of love in conscious responsibility. That we human beings know ourselves part of each other and are willing and able to act on our behalf for the benefit of each and every individual. That we no longer allow governments, industries, universities or any other institution to run along unchecked by the objective principles of humaneness. That we do not allow gurus to abuse their power or governors to steal the taxes and use them to their personal advantage in detriment of the whole. That we do not allow abuse from anyone anywhere because life is too beautiful to do so and that we are willing to stop the rampant crime with the necessary compassion Conscious knowledge is every individual's right. Conscious action is every individual's duty.

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Sunday 20 March 2011

Elena: Study of the Emotional Life of Governmental Power, part 2. Processes of Subjectivation



2. Processes of Subjectivation

Many scholars have been swift to point out how governmentality recognises the multidimensionality of power relations, and suggest that the thesis overcomes much of what was

regarded as Foucault’s one-dimensional focus on disciplinary power and forces of domination.

21

 

As Lemke puts it; the notion of governmentality has  ‛innovative potential‛ in so far as it 

recognises how power is both an objectivizing and a subjectivizing force, bringing into view the

idea of a constituted-constituting subject permanently positioned within the interstice of  individualising power and individual freedom.


22 McNay suggests that one of the key analytical

advantages to Foucault’s concept of governmental power over that of disciplinary power is that

it introduces the idea of an active subject who has the capacity to resist the ‛individualizing and

totalizing forces of modern power structures.‛

23

Endowed with a capacity for resistance, a citizenry of (neo-)liberal subjects are capable,

then, of transforming, subverting and challenging governmental relations of all kinds  – from a

refusal to commit to a healthy diet, to a failure to provide evidence as a witness of crime,

through to a rejection of the need to recycle in the name of environmental protection.  Implicitly, then, resistance is configured as a matter of self-reflexive choice or personal motivation to

opt out of, ignore or dissociate from particular technologies and practices.  This sits easily within

a model of generative, autonomous agency, but is difficult to square with Foucault’s idea of

subjectivation which denotes the dialectical nature of constraint and freedom – that ‛the subject

is constituted through practices of subjection, or, in a more autonomous way, through practices

                                               

23 Lois McNay, Foucault: A Critical Introduction (Cambridge: Polity Press, 1994).  Paul Patton, ‚Foucault’s Subject of Power,‛ in Jeremy Moss (ed.), The Later Foucault (London: Sage, 1998).

22 Thomas Lemke, ‚’The Birth of Bio-Politics’: Michel Foucault’s Lecture at the Collège de France on NeoLiberal Governmentality,‛ Economy and Society, 30, 2 (2001), 191.

23

  McNay, Foucault: A Critical Introduction, 123.Campbell: The Emotional Life

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of liberation, of liberty.‛


Elena: What makes the individual resist the power of the status-quo? That the living forces within the individual are unwilling to accept it. The struggle between the vital human and the dominated human to call it somehow, takes place within each and every individual until some can no longer take the status quo. We should probably eventually call this the struggle between the religious dimension of the human being and the political dimension even if the word religious is questionable for so many. We cannot understand politics without psychology or psychology without religion.
It is the madness of our times to pretend to separate us into multiple arenas. The validity of that separation is that it allows us to better observe each particular arena but pretending to make them independent of each other is ‘schizophrenic’____________________





24 McNay complains that Foucault fails to offer a satisfactory account of

agency and that he vacillates ‛between moments of determinism and voluntarism.‛


Elena: There is both determinism and voluntarism, fortunately because without individual will there would be no hope!___________


25 Butler is

critical of the term  ‛subjectivation,‛ seeing it as paradoxical in so far as it  ‛denotes both the

becoming of the subject and the process of subjection – one inhabits the figure of autonomy only

by becoming subjected to a power, a subjection which implies a radical dependency.‛


Elena: there is definitely both a becoming of the subject and a subjection and THAT is precisely the struggle of every human being. People are determined to a great extent all through childhood and youth and can continue to be determined throughout their whole lives if they are never able to “to constitute the self as a coherent and complete entity”. But what we don’t seem to understand is that constituting the self as a coherent and complete entity does not mean an isolated individual but an ‘integrated individual’. The individual cannot fulfill his own integrity in as much as the society does not have the structure to integrate him legitimately. People today have to ‘disintegrate’ to be able to participate in the status quo. They have to act against themselves and others to belong to the hierarchy in place.
They must become egotistic and individualistic and deny the rights of others to the same resources so that they can own more than others. 400 Americans and proportionately the same everywhere, own the same as half of the American people. That is how absurd the status quo is. ______________________



26 Tie

points out that Foucault’s constructed subject stands in a difficult relationship to itself in as far

as the reflexive self is unable to ‛strike a radically resistive, critical distance from the terms of its

construction.‛

Elena: This is true in as much as the reflexive self is determining its own existence through its instinctive center but completely untrue in as much as every individual has within his and her self the ability to shift consciousness from the instinctive determination to emotional, intellectual and self-determination. Emotional and intellectual consciousness are still not as freeing as when the individual reaches self determination but we should also look at the spheres in which the emotional and/or intellectual dimensions are the determinants. They all of course play a part in any movement but there are particular accents in different arenas. We’ve been talking here about the determinism of an individual in relation to the social status quo as being particularly determined by the instinctive consciousness but if we were to look at how individuals are conditioned in the family-love-sexual arena, we would have to look at how the emotional consciousness is at play. It is more difficult to understand how the intellectual consciousness would be a determinant, I can think of the way science as a whole today is being manipulated for purely market interests as intellectual consciousness without consciousness of the human being or ‘our’ ‘self’._________________

 

27

Foucault’s failure to provide an account of agency makes it difficult, then, to distinguish

practices of the self that are imposed on individuals through governmental sanctions and

regulatory norms, from those which express relations of resistance.  Equally there is no basis for

understanding the nature of compliance – whether it is the consequence of self-reflexivity, or the

realisation of a (perverse) attachment to subjection.   In a mixed economy of power relations

wherein  ‛individual or collective subjects who are faced with a field of possibilities in which

several ways of behaving, several reactions and diverse comportments may be realized,‛

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processes of subjectivation can never be linear or homogenous.  Consequently, Tie argues, the

cumulative effects of this heterogeneity cannot be predicted, and in the absence of a

hermeneutics of selfhood and agency, the  ‛possibilities for resistive action will always emerge

accidentally‛

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rather than through a reflexive and critical process of self-realisation.


Elena: We cannot study these phenomenon as easily in ‘open’ societies (which are not as open anyway), because the sphere is too wide to grasp and yet men like Foucault are already doing wonders to understand them but if we focus on cults, we can much more easily grasp the phenomenon at play.

‘The possibilities of resistive action will always emerge accidentally’ is an interesting affirmation because it is actually the other way around. In as much as people are living in a deterministic process in which their ‘will’ hardly takes a part, they are living the ‘accident’: a life that they cannot control. The moment they apply resistance to the status quo from the depths of their Will, they start “being” and “becoming” and determine life for future generations in a particular way. The process repeats itself every generation so every generation there is the possibility of actualizing the Self for the Human being._______________________





The problematic of Foucault’s  ‛subject-less subject‛ continues to haunt his analytics of

power and has generated a subsidiary scholarship  that, in various ways, attempts to theorise

governmental subjectivities.  Psychoanalytical approaches feature prominently in this work and

the contributions of Žižek, Butler and (the application of) Lacan, Klein and Freud to

understanding the psychic dimensions of the constituted-constituting subject is of particular

relevance.   In an eloquent and perceptive article, Tie discusses the relative merits of these perspectives suggesting that  ‛subjects‛ complicity in their subjectivation cannot be understood as

being purely the effect of their positioning in discourse.  Rather, their complicity has an ‚affective

dimension.‛
Elena: yes, it is not merely an intellectual or instinctive complicity, it is most definitely an emotional complicity, a “subjectivation”.___________________

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   Of interest here is how that  ‛affective dimension‛ is conceptualised within these

particular psychoanalytical theories, and how it is mobilised as an exercise of power.  Žižek, for

example, talks of an ‛unconscious supplement,‛ and posits a kind of sub-terranean reservoir of

feeling which exists as Other to sovereign power, and which  ‛provides enjoyment which serves

                                               

24 Michel Foucault, ‚An Aesthetics of Existence‛ in  Foucault Live.  Transl.  by John Johnston. Ed. Sylvère

Lotringer (New York: Semiotext(e), 1989), 313.

25 Lois McNay, Gender and Agency: Reconfiguring the Subject in Feminist and Social Theory (Oxford: Polity Press,

2000), 9.

26

Judith Butler, The Psychic Life of Power: Theories in Subjection (Stanford, CA: Stanford University Press, 1997),

83.

27

  Warwick Tie, ‚The Psychic Life of Governmentality,‛ Culture, Theory and Critique, 45, 2 (2004), 164.

28

  Foucault, ‚Afterword: the Subject and Power,‛ 221.

29 Tie, 165.

30

Ibid., 161, Emphasis added.Foucault Studies, No. 9, pp. 35-53.

41

as the unacknowledged support of meaning.‛

31 However, it is debatable how far (or whether)

Žižek’s thesis adequately addresses the question of agency, but this is of less concern here than

his formulation of an ‛unconscious supplement.‛   It is not clear, for example, why ‛economies

of pleasure‛ are regarded as  ‛extra-discursive,‛ and therefore positioned in a pre-linguistic

realm of the unconscious.  This would seem to support an essentialist position  that posits the

notion of a pre-social, biological and ‛extra-conscious‛ realm of emotionality. 


Elena: The unconscious supplement is totally determining not only of the individual but of the whole of society, if we were to be talking about the same unconscious. There is no such a thing as a life without death or a life without an spiritual dimension that determines not only the individual but society. Society reflects its consciousness of death and the spiritual in its practices. It is the relationship with death and life what determines the whole of the status quo whether for the individual or for the society. In relation to that we should study the cultures in which death is “alive” and re-incarnation a condition as in ancient Egypt to understand how they condition the social structures without failing to understand the differences in time and experiences that separate us from them.

The economies of pleasure cannot be separated from the conscious or unconscious or extra-discursive. Wishing to separate them is another aspect of our schizophrenia. The connectedness between the sphere of life and death, sexuality and reproduction, emotionality and consciousness all need to be understood to get a glimpse into what we are trying to understand._____________________________



Meanwhile, for  Butler, the  ‛self-realisation‛ of the constituting subject occurs in a moment of trauma induced by a continual inability to constitute the self as a coherent and complete

entity.  Butler posits the endless need to reiterate  ‛who we are‛ as demonstrative of the incoherence of selfhood, a state of affairs which emerges from an unruly residue of psychic life

‛which exceeds the imprisoning effects of the discursive demand to inhabit a coherent identity,

to become a coherent subject.‛

Elena: This is meaningful, how far and where does she take it?
In principle I could almost agree with her but for me there is no unruly residue or trauma. We need to reiterate ‘who we are’ because we are not. We are becoming. Life is a becoming from our self to our selves: consciousness. We actualize that becoming in our history: our social orders and struggles that allow us to be one not only with our own self but with our selves in the vital connectedness of life itself. Life is life with or without our individuality, we all continue to struggle for the actualization of our selves in the social sphere whether many of us die without ever reaching consciousness but we leave traces of our struggle so that the conditions of life for future generations have a better standing towards a more human status quo.
The individual cannot do more than that but individual freedom and consciousness is also not dependent on the consciousness of the whole to actualize his or her own consciousness. In the sphere of the political, the individual actualizes his consciousness as social actor, in the sphere of the religious, the individual frees his and her self from the sphere of the living-political status quo and with that, from the determinism that engulfed them. The socio political has it’s own laws and determinations, it is a cosmos of its own and so is the individual and within their particular spheres they are each sovereign. We must better expand and understand this, it is beautiful!

Bye for now.
_______________

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