The Separation between State and Religion

In time we will realize that Democracy is the entitlement of individuals to every right that was in its times alloted to kings. The right to speak and decide, to be treated with decency, to serve and be served by people in a State of “love” that is, to serve with one’s work for the development of ‘life’. To belong to the Kingdom of Human Beings without racial, national, social or academic separations. To love and be loved. To die at the service of the whole and be honored in one’s death, for one’s life and work was legitimately valued. To be graceful and grateful. To have the pride and the humility of being One with the Universe, One with every realm of Existence, One with every living and deceased soul. To treat with dignity and be treated with dignity for One is dignified together with All others and Life itself. To walk the path of compassion, not in the sorrow of guilt but in the pride of being. To take responsability for one’s mistakes and sufferings and stand up again and again like a hero and a heroine and face the struggle that is put at one’s feet and in one’s hands. Millions of people, millions and millions of people might take many generations to realize the consciousness of our humaneness but there is no other dignified path for the human being.

The “work” as I conceive it is psychological and political. Psychology is the connection between the different dimensions within one’s self and Politics is the actualization of that consciousness in our practical lives. Religion is the ceremony that binds the connectedness between the individual and the Universe. The separation between religion, politics and science, the arts and sports is, in the sphere of the social, the reflection of the schizophrenia within the individual and the masses. The dialogue between individuality and the "human" belongs to consciousness. The tendency to develop cults resides in the shortcomings we’are finding in life as it is structured today. “Life” has become the private property of a few priviledged who cannot profit from it because as soon as it is appropriated it stops to be “life” or “life-giving”.

We are all the victims of our own invention and each one is called upon to find solutions. The only problem is believing our selves incapable of finding them. We are now free to use all Systems of knowledge objectively, sharing them without imposing our will on each other. To become objective about our lives means to understand that the institutions that govern its experience are critically important. That we are one with the governments, one with the religious activities that mark its pace, that the arena’s in which we move our bodies and the laboratories in which we explore our possibilities are ALL part and parcel of our own personal responsibility. That WE ARE ONE WITH EACH OTHER AND EVERYTHING AROUND US and acknowledge for ourselves a bond of love in conscious responsibility. That we human beings know ourselves part of each other and are willing and able to act on our behalf for the benefit of each and every individual. That we no longer allow governments, industries, universities or any other institution to run along unchecked by the objective principles of humaneness. That we do not allow gurus to abuse their power or governors to steal the taxes and use them to their personal advantage in detriment of the whole. That we do not allow abuse from anyone anywhere because life is too beautiful to do so and that we are willing to stop the rampant crime with the necessary compassion Conscious knowledge is every individual's right. Conscious action is every individual's duty.

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Tuesday, 4 May 2010

Article submitted for permission


I am presently asking for permission from the authors to keep this article and its many parts published here in the last posts. If that permission is not granted it will need to be erased. You can access it in Oxford Journals by the name of
Community development and
the contested politics of the late
modern agora: of, alongside or
against neoliberalism?
Martin Geoghegan and Fred Powell 


Introduction
Bauman (1998, pp. 86 – 87) likens the contemporary idea of civil society to
the ancient Greek concept of agora as a site of political assembly or local
marketplace, an interface between the public and private spheres of social
life. He argues that in modern society, the agora has come under sustained
attack. Its enemy during the twentieth century was totalitarianism, whereas
as we enter the twenty-first century it is neoliberalism. In this article, we
identify the notion of community development as a modern discursive
form of agora and examine its politically contested relationship with neoli-
beralism in late modernity. We begin by noting the neoliberal assumption of
economic growth as ‘good change’, and contrast this understanding with
the reality of the pathologies brought about through untrammelled econ-
omic ‘development’. Community development, we then argue, exists in
relation to processes of commodity production and exchange in late moder-
nity, being a form of politics where citizens attempt to participate in their
socio-political milieus in order to influence developmental processes. We
link the emergence of community development as the late modern agora
to the democratic forces unleashed in modernism and the subsequent
quest for social justice. The meaning of community development as the
late modern agora is then explored, and we note the subsequent contestation
over its status, as revealed in variant ideological perspectives on the role of
civil society. In particular, we contrast three understandings and practice of
community development: the neoliberal version that sees the notion of
active citizenship as the outcome of the development of Putnamian social
capital, where civil society is subservient to the needs of economic develop-
ment; the corporatist version that advocates a partnership between the
state, market and civil society which realizes new forms of governance
that supersede the welfare state; and the activist version, where community
development is envisaged as local, nodal and global resistance to neoliber-
alism. In essence, we are posing the question: ‘community development: of,
alongside or against neoliberalism?’.
Community development and the
‘post-ideological consensus’
In our view, community development is a form of politics whereby citizens
participate in civil society through communicative action in order to
directly socialize policy issues. Ife (2002, p. xi) notes that sceptics have
suggested that ‘community development is dead’. Endisms are currently
in vogue among proponents of the much vaunted historical victory of capit-
alism over socialism in late modernity. For them, global neoliberalism as a
development model is underpinned by the normative assumption that
capitalist development upon modernization is ‘good change’ for the better-
ment of the planet (Thomas, 2000, p. 24). They view the world as having
achieved a post-ideological democratic consensus, based on the fusion of
minimalist expressions of democracy embodied in contemporary liberal-
ism, with social action organized predominantly through the market.

The age of contestation between market-led development embodied in
organized capitalism and state-led development embodied in twentieth-
century socialism is simply over in the global neoliberal analysis – what
has become known via its paradigmatic form as ‘the end of history’
thesis (e.g. Fukuyama, 1992). Zizˇ ek calls this a fundamental denkverbot –
a prohibition on thinking – and argues ‘today, actual freedom of thought
means freedom to question the prevailing liberal democratic, post-
ideological consensus – or it means nothing’ (Zˇ izˇ ek, 2002, pp. 167 – 168).
In this view, there must be a right to truth, one which permits criticism of
the prevailing post-ideological consensus if democracy itself is to survive.
Bauman (1998, p. 8) similarly asserts that we need to bring back ‘from
exile ideas such as the public good, the good society, equity, justice and
so on’. This is a view of the world in which community development has
a vital catalytic role to play in democratising democracy, where community
development as a late modern form of agora provides a vital public space for
democratic dialogue and political criticism in an era characterized by the
eclipse of the ability and interest of the ordinary citizen to influence the
practices and practitioners of ‘thin’ (i.e. liberal ) democracy, a democratic
form based on Madisonian representation in the political process by
elites, rather than on mass participation by the citizenry (see, Barber, 1984).
Critics of market-led development have demonstrated its limitations.
Davis (2007) in his remarkable book Planet of Slums has traced a global
trajectory of unregulated capitalist development since the 1960s that has
led to today’s unprecedented mega-slums of the Cono Sur, Sadr City and
the Cape Flats. He argues that in these vast shanty towns a new urban pro-
letariat has emerged unimagined by either classical Marxism or neoliberal
orthodoxy. Such developments raise the issue of ‘bad change’ and the rights
to, and need of, planetary citizenship – cosmopolitanism – in a globalized
world. The adage ‘think global, act local’ reminds us of the continuing
political relevance of the agora in late modern society as an arena in which
new emancipatory discourses can be forged that lead to late modern
solutions to late modern problems through participatory democracy

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