Another paragraph from the article in post 48.
This is all related to cult mentality and adjustment.
“As such, duration, measured by the rhythms of military training, the educational calendars of the public schools or the pay schedules imposed by the wage system, has no specific beginning and no end, and thus inscribes no agency or telos—no will. For the worker, the prisoner, the student or the soldier, the performance of a task is ongoing and often without purpose.
Temporality itself has been socialized.”
Temporality itself has been socialized.”
This particular sentence is of fundamental importance. HERE is where we begin to see how the individual of our time looses the connection with his own will. People work because they have to work but it’s the instinctive center what is involved in the transaction with minor involvement of intellectual or emotional effort and little or no creativity. The human being becomes a body for sale, a producer of things, it is itself made an object. People work to make money but not to develop themselves and their society. Just to eat, survive and make someone else rich. The problem is of course the absurdity of the transaction but beyond the economic absurdity is the human absurdity. WORK must develop the individual and his community. To work is above all a creative endeavor. Without the creativity it turns against the individual, reduces us to automatons which is what most cult members already are by the time we arrive in the cult. In the cult, members simply add a supposed spiritual ingredient to the transaction and continue behaving like the same automatons making money for the guru justified by the now so called “spirituality” of the transaction.
These are the facts and they are pretty obvious and easy to verify! But what matters from another angle is the “dream”. The things that make dream! The ideals that inspire people. Those rest in the heart of each human being and they are powerful. It is time to wake them up to real life! Creativity cannot be the private property of a few!
___________________
Back to the article:
Back to the article:
Of course, the docile conduct into which the solidarities of social government induced its members did not originate with social rights themselves, nor did they appear with the normalized social units into which such individuals were adjusted.
Such modes of conduct, and the specific temporalities through which they were
enacted, were for two centuries already being quietly insinuated into the conducts of
modern people through those disciplinary institutions Foucault so well documented
in Discipline and Punish—the schools, prisons, hospitals and military barracks. In-
deed, there is a specific link between the forms of social government by which risk
was transposed from individual conduct to the collective responsibility of the social
totality and the docile temporality of the disciplinary institution. Foucault has de-
scribed the specific manner in which the production of docility is accomplished
through technologies of temporalization, and specifically with the deployment of
“duration” as a temporal frame.
Better adjustment of the worker to the normalized conditions of
production reduced the risk of accidents—a key governmental objective of welfar-
ism, yet one that substituted a collectivist, institutional responsibility for the indi-
vidual culpability for output and risks. As such, life under social government was
characterized by a certain docility of conduct under the normalized conditions of an
engineered solidarity—a “unwilled collective reality” in which individual agency
was itself no longer willed, but instead suspended within a socialized horizon of ex-
pectation, futurity and temporality.
38
The emergence of durational time is often tied to the dissemination of clock-
time in the labor process.
As a durational act, the temporality of an action is
not bound to its immediate outcome—the risks it entails—which have become re-
mote from the actor, incorporated into the institutional totality within which it is ex-
ecuted. The time of the docile body (and by extension, the time of socialized risk) is
measured simply as “duration”—as abstract, homogenous time, whose ultimate mo-
tivation and endpoint is “unwilled,” remote from the responsibilities of the actor,
fixed in the remote planning schemes of the institution.
39
Such modes of conduct, and the specific temporalities through which they were
enacted, were for two centuries already being quietly insinuated into the conducts of
modern people through those disciplinary institutions Foucault so well documented
in Discipline and Punish—the schools, prisons, hospitals and military barracks. In-
deed, there is a specific link between the forms of social government by which risk
was transposed from individual conduct to the collective responsibility of the social
totality and the docile temporality of the disciplinary institution. Foucault has de-
scribed the specific manner in which the production of docility is accomplished
through technologies of temporalization, and specifically with the deployment of
“duration” as a temporal frame.
Better adjustment of the worker to the normalized conditions of
production reduced the risk of accidents—a key governmental objective of welfar-
ism, yet one that substituted a collectivist, institutional responsibility for the indi-
vidual culpability for output and risks. As such, life under social government was
characterized by a certain docility of conduct under the normalized conditions of an
engineered solidarity—a “unwilled collective reality” in which individual agency
was itself no longer willed, but instead suspended within a socialized horizon of ex-
pectation, futurity and temporality.
38
The emergence of durational time is often tied to the dissemination of clock-
time in the labor process.
As a durational act, the temporality of an action is
not bound to its immediate outcome—the risks it entails—which have become re-
mote from the actor, incorporated into the institutional totality within which it is ex-
ecuted. The time of the docile body (and by extension, the time of socialized risk) is
measured simply as “duration”—as abstract, homogenous time, whose ultimate mo-
tivation and endpoint is “unwilled,” remote from the responsibilities of the actor,
fixed in the remote planning schemes of the institution.
39
36
Ibid., 412.
37
Donzelot, “Pleasure in Work,” 255.
38
Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: the Birth of the Prison, 151.
39
E. P. Thompson, “Time, Work-Discipline, and Industrial Capitalism.” Past and Present, 38
Linked with a wider rigidification of the intrinsic volun-
Binkley: The Work of Neoliberal Governmentality
73
Ibid., 412.
37
Donzelot, “Pleasure in Work,” 255.
38
Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: the Birth of the Prison, 151.
39
E. P. Thompson, “Time, Work-Discipline, and Industrial Capitalism.” Past and Present, 38
Linked with a wider rigidification of the intrinsic volun-
Binkley: The Work of Neoliberal Governmentality
73
tarism and spontaneity that characterizes personal and social life, the notion of dura-
tion is, in historical literature on temporality, associated with the reification of the
natural rhythm and meter of everyday practice, specifically for the purposes of a
more thorough exploitation of the productive capacity invested in the temporality of
the act.40 E. P. Thompson’s well-known study of this process uncovers the manner in
which a task-oriented temporality takes over and displaces traditional temporal sen-
sibilities tuned to the rhythms of natural processes, such as the seasonal regularities
of agriculture.41 However, durational temporality is not simply a medium for the ex-
ploitation of labor: it is a means through which labor power is produced and sus-
tained as a force, both within the individual and within the social unit as a whole.42
Foucault provides such an account in his detailed discussion of the produc-
tion of docility in the incipient institutional temporalities of early modern societies.
He describes the inscription of durational temporality as a positive operation, one
that entails the decomposition of modes of conduct into administratively discreet
moments, and their simultaneous recomposition in the sequence of a disciplinary
practice. Foucault’s account of the “temporal elaboration of the act” describes the
precise manner in which an increasingly refined demarcation and segmentation of
temporal units takes place in the marching instructions given to French foot soldiers
in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, wherein the simple step of the soldier is
subjected to an increasingly precise division that expands from one to four basic
movements in the course of a century.
tion is, in historical literature on temporality, associated with the reification of the
natural rhythm and meter of everyday practice, specifically for the purposes of a
more thorough exploitation of the productive capacity invested in the temporality of
the act.40 E. P. Thompson’s well-known study of this process uncovers the manner in
which a task-oriented temporality takes over and displaces traditional temporal sen-
sibilities tuned to the rhythms of natural processes, such as the seasonal regularities
of agriculture.41 However, durational temporality is not simply a medium for the ex-
ploitation of labor: it is a means through which labor power is produced and sus-
tained as a force, both within the individual and within the social unit as a whole.42
Foucault provides such an account in his detailed discussion of the produc-
tion of docility in the incipient institutional temporalities of early modern societies.
He describes the inscription of durational temporality as a positive operation, one
that entails the decomposition of modes of conduct into administratively discreet
moments, and their simultaneous recomposition in the sequence of a disciplinary
practice. Foucault’s account of the “temporal elaboration of the act” describes the
precise manner in which an increasingly refined demarcation and segmentation of
temporal units takes place in the marching instructions given to French foot soldiers
in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, wherein the simple step of the soldier is
subjected to an increasingly precise division that expands from one to four basic
movements in the course of a century.
Thompson shows how the disciplining of work-time functioned as much to fashion
the basis for collectivist opposition to capitalist exploitation as to ensure the condi-
tions for the extraction of profits from the bodies or workers. Similarly, durational
time is, as Donzelot has shown, a mechanism of social integration and for the forma-
tion of unwilled collective realities and de-responsibilized conducts, wherein risk is
socialized and the agency of individuals is transposed from to the horizons of indi-
vidual actions to those of institutional norms.
43
“The act is broken down into its elements;
the position of the body, limbs, articulations is defined; to each movement are as-
signed a direction, an aptitude, a duration; their order of succession is prescribed.
Time penetrates the body and with it all the meticulous controls of power.”44
This segmentation is not without aim, but neither is it specifically teleological.
It is not completed with the exploitation of labor for profit, but is instead ongoing
and productive, seeking as much to produce labor power as a permanent potential
the basis for collectivist opposition to capitalist exploitation as to ensure the condi-
tions for the extraction of profits from the bodies or workers. Similarly, durational
time is, as Donzelot has shown, a mechanism of social integration and for the forma-
tion of unwilled collective realities and de-responsibilized conducts, wherein risk is
socialized and the agency of individuals is transposed from to the horizons of indi-
vidual actions to those of institutional norms.
43
“The act is broken down into its elements;
the position of the body, limbs, articulations is defined; to each movement are as-
signed a direction, an aptitude, a duration; their order of succession is prescribed.
Time penetrates the body and with it all the meticulous controls of power.”44
This segmentation is not without aim, but neither is it specifically teleological.
It is not completed with the exploitation of labor for profit, but is instead ongoing
and productive, seeking as much to produce labor power as a permanent potential
(1967): 56-97 and Evitar Zerubavel, Hidden Rhythms: Schedules and Calendars in Social Life
(Berkeley, CA: University of California Press), 1985.
40
Zerubavel, 2-5.
41
Thompson, 61.
42
Foucault, Discipline and Punish: the Birth of the Prison, 159.
43
Ibid., 151.
44
Ibid., 152.
Foucault Studies, No. 6, pp. 60-78.
74
(Berkeley, CA: University of California Press), 1985.
40
Zerubavel, 2-5.
41
Thompson, 61.
42
Foucault, Discipline and Punish: the Birth of the Prison, 159.
43
Ibid., 151.
44
Ibid., 152.
Foucault Studies, No. 6, pp. 60-78.
74
of the individual and to articulate this potential together with the ongoing function-
ing of the factory, as to secure its exploitation.45 Foucault describes the production of
durational temporality: for the French foot soldier of the eighteenth century, bodily
practice was reintegrated into a new docile temporality—the military march—which
is directed to a new endpoint or goal, characterized by the general enhancement of
productive forces, both for the individual himself, and for the institution of which he
is a member. In other words, durational time acquires meaning as a permanent and
ongoing exercise. “Exercise, having become an element in the political technology of
the body and of duration, does not culminate in a beyond, but tends toward a sub-
jection that has never reached its limit.”46
Keep working, boys, but the sooner you forget about needing a paycheck, the
easier your adult life will be. Keep using your brain, work for free, and soon your
mind will show you ways of making money far beyond what I could ever pay
you. You will see things that other people never see. Opportunities right in front
of their noses. Most people never see these opportunities because they’re looking
for money and security, so that’s all they get. The moment you see one opportu-
nity, you will see them for the rest of your life.
As such, duration, measured by the
rhythms of military training, the educational calendars of the public schools or the
pay schedules imposed by the wage system, has no specific beginning and no end,
and thus inscribes no agency or telos—no will. For the worker, the prisoner, the stu-
dent or the soldier, the performance of a task is ongoing and often without purpose.
Temporality itself has been socialized.
ing of the factory, as to secure its exploitation.45 Foucault describes the production of
durational temporality: for the French foot soldier of the eighteenth century, bodily
practice was reintegrated into a new docile temporality—the military march—which
is directed to a new endpoint or goal, characterized by the general enhancement of
productive forces, both for the individual himself, and for the institution of which he
is a member. In other words, durational time acquires meaning as a permanent and
ongoing exercise. “Exercise, having become an element in the political technology of
the body and of duration, does not culminate in a beyond, but tends toward a sub-
jection that has never reached its limit.”46
Keep working, boys, but the sooner you forget about needing a paycheck, the
easier your adult life will be. Keep using your brain, work for free, and soon your
mind will show you ways of making money far beyond what I could ever pay
you. You will see things that other people never see. Opportunities right in front
of their noses. Most people never see these opportunities because they’re looking
for money and security, so that’s all they get. The moment you see one opportu-
nity, you will see them for the rest of your life.
As such, duration, measured by the
rhythms of military training, the educational calendars of the public schools or the
pay schedules imposed by the wage system, has no specific beginning and no end,
and thus inscribes no agency or telos—no will. For the worker, the prisoner, the stu-
dent or the soldier, the performance of a task is ongoing and often without purpose.
Temporality itself has been socialized.
54. Elena - March 11, 2010 [Edit]The ideas behind this paragraph are wonderful!! We will work on this for years to come!! These authors understand a lot of what needs to be understood about history, the individual and society, society and the individual. With exercises such as these, people can be both deprogrammed and reprogrammed! That’s what is so dangerous about cults! That people are reprogrammed but against their own self and society. This is basically an exercise on non identification with the institutionalized formulas but the possibilities it has are richer than the ones presented here. One option is the deprogramming against the purely instinctive result of the job but another is that of disconnecting the work from utility and connecting to the creative realm.
Reconnecting to the creative realm, that is what is needed, that will bring healing to the very sick society of our times.
_____________
From the article:
It was precisely this durational temporal orientation, the unwilled faithfulness to the rat race of a salaried job, that rich dad took as the object of the ethical work to which he exhorted his young student. He chastised this durational disposition for the flaccid spirit it exuded, but also for the lack of reflective awareness, the
truncation of the horizons of economic action it imposed. The way out was first through the renunciation of the mind- numbing comforts supplied by such conduct, from which would follow a revitalization of one’s willingness to confront risk, and a vast expansion of the horizon of economic opportunity. One of rich dad’s lessons involved inducing the two ten-year olds to work without pay for several weekends, under the argument that the experience would teach them that salaried labor reflected a lazy and dull-minded faith in a structured reward system, and that the true reward of work lay beyond the narrow rewards of the wage system. Rich dad explained his rationale:
truncation of the horizons of economic action it imposed. The way out was first through the renunciation of the mind- numbing comforts supplied by such conduct, from which would follow a revitalization of one’s willingness to confront risk, and a vast expansion of the horizon of economic opportunity. One of rich dad’s lessons involved inducing the two ten-year olds to work without pay for several weekends, under the argument that the experience would teach them that salaried labor reflected a lazy and dull-minded faith in a structured reward system, and that the true reward of work lay beyond the narrow rewards of the wage system. Rich dad explained his rationale:
47
The awakening intended by this exercise was one that was meant to turn the two boys to work on themselves—on the traces and residues, the inscribed habits and dispositions remaining from an earlier deployment of a collective social reality, and the displacement of responsibility and risk it entailed. The social, durational temporalities that are the residue of docility and durational time can be identified, not just in the generational rift between poor dads and their sons, but in the historical sedimentations accumulated in the bodies of those sons themselves, and in the readers to whom Kiyosaki appeals—a body that, as Foucault wrote in his essay Nietzsche, Genealogy, History, can be understood as the repository of historical inscriptions, or as he put it, the “inscribed surface of events.” Indeed, it is in this work that the ambivalence between the institutional forms of self-government, and the individual practices of self-rule, or subjection and subjectification, becomes operative.
The awakening intended by this exercise was one that was meant to turn the two boys to work on themselves—on the traces and residues, the inscribed habits and dispositions remaining from an earlier deployment of a collective social reality, and the displacement of responsibility and risk it entailed. The social, durational temporalities that are the residue of docility and durational time can be identified, not just in the generational rift between poor dads and their sons, but in the historical sedimentations accumulated in the bodies of those sons themselves, and in the readers to whom Kiyosaki appeals—a body that, as Foucault wrote in his essay Nietzsche, Genealogy, History, can be understood as the repository of historical inscriptions, or as he put it, the “inscribed surface of events.” Indeed, it is in this work that the ambivalence between the institutional forms of self-government, and the individual practices of self-rule, or subjection and subjectification, becomes operative.
55. Elena - March 11, 2010 [Edit]The conclusions of the author are weak but very helpful. Procrastination as a symptom of the malady can also be explained by the lack of motivation. In a world without creativity people are not inspired to work. No effort is good enough. The job will get done, the money will get home to pay for the basic needs but there is no inspiration. Boredom ensues and is numbed with television and other distractions that will reduce the capacity to act even further. It is in that state that millions of people are joining cults. The cult offers an ideal, an inspiration, a hope. And kills it as soon as the individual steps inside but he’s too sick to realize that the cure he’s chosen is worse than the malady!
56. Elena - March 11, 2010 [Edit]This joy,
this joy of being
this joy of life
is so deep
and so light
that even your absence
(dear, dear, dear friend),
is fine!
this joy of being
this joy of life
is so deep
and so light
that even your absence
(dear, dear, dear friend),
is fine!
Be well, where ever you are.
May love reach you every day of your life!
May love reach you every day of your life!
57. Elena - March 11, 2010 [Edit]“The emergence of durational time is often tied to the dissemination of clocktime in the labor process.
As a durational act, the temporality of an action is not bound to its immediate outcome—the risks it entails—which have become
remote from the actor, incorporated into the institutional totality within which it is executed. The time of the docile body (and by extension, the time of socialized risk) is measured simply as “duration”—as abstract, homogenous time, whose ultimate motivation and endpoint is “unwilled,” remote from the responsibilities of the actor, fixed in the remote planning schemes of the institution.”
As a durational act, the temporality of an action is not bound to its immediate outcome—the risks it entails—which have become
remote from the actor, incorporated into the institutional totality within which it is executed. The time of the docile body (and by extension, the time of socialized risk) is measured simply as “duration”—as abstract, homogenous time, whose ultimate motivation and endpoint is “unwilled,” remote from the responsibilities of the actor, fixed in the remote planning schemes of the institution.”
This must be kept in mind for future reference.
58. Elena - March 11, 2010 [Edit]Every day with every dollar, you choose to be rich, poor or middle class.
Rich Dad Poor Dad is a best selling book on financial advice written by Robert T. Kiyosaki. Originally self-published in 1997 as supporting material for Kiyosaki’s fi-nancial advice lectures, and later picked up by Warner Business Books in 2000, the text relates a rich allegorical narrative about the mental hard wiring required for financial success, and the concealed “ways of thinking” practiced by the wealthy. Kiyosaki’s method is comparative: he tells of his childhood relationships with two fathers; one a biological parent, the other a friend’s father who undertook the task of young Robert’s financial education. Each father presented radically distinct outlooks on financial life. His own father, the poor dad, was a government man, head of the Department of Education for the state of Hawaii who, in spite of his impressive qualifications and career accomplishments, remained “poor” his whole life, snarled in a plodding, credentialist faith in institutional advancement as a slow ladder of bureaucratic hierarchy. The rich dad, on the other hand, was a self-made millionaire with an eighth grade education who held a deep distain for the naïve approach to wealth generation practiced by the majority of Americans—one that conceived of earned reward in terms of educational credentials and the patient advance to higher salaried positions within a single firm. Throughout the book, poor dad’s dour lectures on the virtues of patience, loyalty and circumspection were contrasted with rich dad’s exhortations to swashbuckling fiscal adventurism, self-interest and
self-responsibility.
Rich Dad Poor Dad is a best selling book on financial advice written by Robert T. Kiyosaki. Originally self-published in 1997 as supporting material for Kiyosaki’s fi-nancial advice lectures, and later picked up by Warner Business Books in 2000, the text relates a rich allegorical narrative about the mental hard wiring required for financial success, and the concealed “ways of thinking” practiced by the wealthy. Kiyosaki’s method is comparative: he tells of his childhood relationships with two fathers; one a biological parent, the other a friend’s father who undertook the task of young Robert’s financial education. Each father presented radically distinct outlooks on financial life. His own father, the poor dad, was a government man, head of the Department of Education for the state of Hawaii who, in spite of his impressive qualifications and career accomplishments, remained “poor” his whole life, snarled in a plodding, credentialist faith in institutional advancement as a slow ladder of bureaucratic hierarchy. The rich dad, on the other hand, was a self-made millionaire with an eighth grade education who held a deep distain for the naïve approach to wealth generation practiced by the majority of Americans—one that conceived of earned reward in terms of educational credentials and the patient advance to higher salaried positions within a single firm. Throughout the book, poor dad’s dour lectures on the virtues of patience, loyalty and circumspection were contrasted with rich dad’s exhortations to swashbuckling fiscal adventurism, self-interest and
self-responsibility.
Taken from: The Work of Neoliberal Governmentality:
Temporality and Ethical Substance in the Tale of Two Dads
Sam Binkley
Temporality and Ethical Substance in the Tale of Two Dads
Sam Binkley
In these four sentences we see the two faces of neoliberalism:
1….snarled in a plodding, credentialist faith in institutional advancement as a slow climb up the ladder of bureaucratic hierarchy.
2. ….the naïve approach to wealth generation practiced by the majority of Americans—one that conceived of earned reward in terms of educational credentials and the patient advance to higher salaried positions within a single firm.
3. ….poor dad’s dour lectures on the virtues of patience, loyalty and circumspection
4. …contrasted with rich dad’s exhortations to swashbuckling fiscal adventurism, self-interest and self-responsibility.
There are seven aspects worth exploring here:
1. A bureaucratic hierarchy
2. Earned rewards in terms of educational credentials
3. Patient advance to higher salaried positions within a single firm
4. An attitude of patience, loyalty and circumspection
5. swashbuckling fiscal adventurism
6. self interest
7. self-responsibility
2. Earned rewards in terms of educational credentials
3. Patient advance to higher salaried positions within a single firm
4. An attitude of patience, loyalty and circumspection
5. swashbuckling fiscal adventurism
6. self interest
7. self-responsibility
The poor and the rich dad are two sides of the same coin but the rich dad is a new “product” of neoliberalism which wouldn’t have been possible with the capital linked to traditional nobility and “clan” mentality of the burgeousy.
In the Fellowship of Friends aka Pathway to Presence, a cult based on the Fourth Way teachings by Gurdjieff, with a religious non political agenda, we find the same structures but distributed differently. The first four characteristics remain but somewhat modified:
1. The bureaucratic hierarchy is severely pressed on and the main authority figure, the guru, falls into the category of king-God while the inner circle that accompanies him falls way below his belt but nevertheless performs the hierarchic duties of administration necessary for his support, not only economically but psychologically. They are not only bound to the guru instinctively but intellectually and emotionally. Not only politically but religiously.
2. Earned rewards in terms of educational credentials.
In the cult almost everyone is “naked” when they arrive! Most remain without enough credentials to ever participate on equal grounds to those in the inner circle, but a few are chosen by the guru to build up his ‘idealized’ world. Some are chosen for his personal sexual gratification, the rest are used as middlemen between the members and himself in the different areas of cult life.
In the cult almost everyone is “naked” when they arrive! Most remain without enough credentials to ever participate on equal grounds to those in the inner circle, but a few are chosen by the guru to build up his ‘idealized’ world. Some are chosen for his personal sexual gratification, the rest are used as middlemen between the members and himself in the different areas of cult life.
3. Patient advance to higher salaried positions within a single firm.
This attitude is definitely much implanted already in the mentality of cult members. The single firm becomes the single cult to which life is sacrificed with blind devotion. The economic reward no longer matters, what the cult member is looking for is approval from the guru. Any gesture from the guru towards them makes their day. No one else counts. No one else is high enough to merit attention. The guru and the Cult become the member’s platonic life and they can never reach either one. The guru is never accessible in full being and the cult is a never ending endeavor.
This attitude is definitely much implanted already in the mentality of cult members. The single firm becomes the single cult to which life is sacrificed with blind devotion. The economic reward no longer matters, what the cult member is looking for is approval from the guru. Any gesture from the guru towards them makes their day. No one else counts. No one else is high enough to merit attention. The guru and the Cult become the member’s platonic life and they can never reach either one. The guru is never accessible in full being and the cult is a never ending endeavor.
4. An attitude of patience, loyalty and circumspection
For ever and ever and ever also in the cult!
For ever and ever and ever also in the cult!
5. swashbuckling fiscal adventurism
This is what the cult incarnates towards regular society. It, the cult, is the rich dad that the members are unable to become! They fit the mold of for ever serving somebody else and justify it by making a religion of it! The “sublimize” their own inability to exist by sacrificing themselves to the King-God: the guru. Regular society is emptied of economic, cultural or authoritarian value.
This is what the cult incarnates towards regular society. It, the cult, is the rich dad that the members are unable to become! They fit the mold of for ever serving somebody else and justify it by making a religion of it! The “sublimize” their own inability to exist by sacrificing themselves to the King-God: the guru. Regular society is emptied of economic, cultural or authoritarian value.
6. self-interest
For the cult but not for the member. The member must give up every trace of self interest in his spiritual search. Their will is used to sacrifice themselves so literally that suicide in cults is a natural outcome. The member’s identity is disfigured, like in the neoliberal ideal, the masses are indiscriminate groups of people that everyone hates, especially those in power.
For the cult but not for the member. The member must give up every trace of self interest in his spiritual search. Their will is used to sacrifice themselves so literally that suicide in cults is a natural outcome. The member’s identity is disfigured, like in the neoliberal ideal, the masses are indiscriminate groups of people that everyone hates, especially those in power.
7. self-responsibility
Definitely! No one but the individual is responsible which is why in the end they’ll commit suicide instead of killing others. A well “cooked” cult can have no other ending! A half cooked cult will maintain the “sacrificing” status quo milking as many members as it can for as long as they are able to produce and letting go of them as soon as they become non-productive. It is not interested in people who cannot respond for themselves. Like in neoliberalism, the children and the old are given minimum to no attention.
Definitely! No one but the individual is responsible which is why in the end they’ll commit suicide instead of killing others. A well “cooked” cult can have no other ending! A half cooked cult will maintain the “sacrificing” status quo milking as many members as it can for as long as they are able to produce and letting go of them as soon as they become non-productive. It is not interested in people who cannot respond for themselves. Like in neoliberalism, the children and the old are given minimum to no attention.
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