through these tasks to create a tomorrow that all will envy.” This is one of those
procrastination paradoxes, where a soothing idea has hidden barbs. You feel re-
lief when you think you can later gain command over what you currently don’t
want to do. The barb is found in practicing a negative pattern of retreat. When
you procrastinate you needlessly postpone, delay, or put off a relevant activity
until another day or time. When you procrastinate, you always substitute an al-
ternative activity for the relevant one. The alternative activity may be almost as
timely or important as the one you put off. But more likely, it will be irrelevant,
such as daydreaming instead of writing a report. 58
procrastination paradoxes, where a soothing idea has hidden barbs. You feel re-
lief when you think you can later gain command over what you currently don’t
want to do. The barb is found in practicing a negative pattern of retreat. When
you procrastinate you needlessly postpone, delay, or put off a relevant activity
until another day or time. When you procrastinate, you always substitute an al-
ternative activity for the relevant one. The alternative activity may be almost as
timely or important as the one you put off. But more likely, it will be irrelevant,
such as daydreaming instead of writing a report. 58
58
Knaus, 8.
Knaus, 8.
In closing, and by way of illustration, I offer procrastination as just one opening into
the wider question of the contemporary practice of temporal counterconduct within
the context of neoliberal governmentality. It is possible to read the choice to “let it
wait,” so antithetical to the rich dad’s swaggering self-responsibility, as a specific
ambivalence within the production of the neoliberal subject as a self-producing sub-
ject. The unwilling of procrastination calls back to the unwilled realities of duration-
al temporality, cultivated in the collectivist time of social governance, and in the do-
cile time of the disciplinary society, here worked differently, mobilized as a day-
dream, against the writing of reports.
the wider question of the contemporary practice of temporal counterconduct within
the context of neoliberal governmentality. It is possible to read the choice to “let it
wait,” so antithetical to the rich dad’s swaggering self-responsibility, as a specific
ambivalence within the production of the neoliberal subject as a self-producing sub-
ject. The unwilling of procrastination calls back to the unwilled realities of duration-
al temporality, cultivated in the collectivist time of social governance, and in the do-
cile time of the disciplinary society, here worked differently, mobilized as a day-
dream, against the writing of reports.
49. Elena - March 9, 2010 [Edit]This paragraph from the above article, is the key to what I am trying to understand. Cult members already have this “disposition” when they join the cult and giving their “self” up to the institution is just one small step ahead that is done “willingly” against their own lives, development and humanity.
The neoliberal status quo has already established a condition of unconscious submission in the people and when they join the cult they are looking for freedom from this condition but since they do not know any other option, they quickly submit to the continuation of the submission within a highly “protected” environment. “Protected” in that they “square their lives with the cult” and do not have to solve anything as the neoliberal state had begun to implant while at the same time continue to work, work, work as if they were doing so out of their own free will. The paradox is perfect for the cult because the member knows they are making effort, they are making more effort than they have ever made, but never quite understand why that effort has no gratifying effect for themselves while the guru swims in their laurels. THAT phenomenon is justified within the cult by the premise that the individual must not work looking for a benefit if he is aspiring to spiritual redemption! So the members labour for a lifetime, harder and harder each day and get used to disappearing in the act without ever claiming the benefit of their work. The level of self sacrifice is tantamount. The tragedy is that the self-sacrifice is literal and ends in suicide. The extreme members of cults have already proved that outcome. Those who don’t commit suicide and manage to eventually leave, know that they invested on an illusion and severed themselves from humanity, not only psychologically but economically. THAT separation from humanity, the justification of acts against regular society is what makes cults dangerously antisocial. They are the result of authoritarian forms of government that have unconsciously “subjected” the people so strongly that when they choose to become absolutely helpless subjects within a cult, they are convinced that they are making the one and only act of freedom in their lives. It is not more tragic, because tragedy can’t get worse than that!
“The solution proposed to the problem of too much liberalism was, as Donzelot has in his genealogical analysis of the welfare state, the production, through state programs, of new social solidarities and new collectivist units.29 Through the technology of welfare, the state assumed a function described by the French legal theorist Charles Gide as the “visible expression of the invisible bond”—an instrument for the fostering of a normative moral order amid conditions of social disintegration resulting from the atomizing effects of industrialization.30
In his L’invention du Social, (1984) Donzelot traces social government to a specific set of policy debates and legislative initiatives that developed in France during the nineteenth century. With an increasingly militant labor movement and the incipient threat of socialism, liberal legislators sought policies that would mitigate antagonism between labor and capital without mandating too radical an agenda of social reform. The resulting “social rights” legislation was a specific instrument of social government meant to foster solidarity, both among workers and between labor and
capital more generally, as a means of ensuring social integration while blunting the specific indictment of the social order emerging from the socialist camp. Appropriating key Durkheimian themes, Donzelot describes the welfare state as one in which “this concept of solidarity serves to define not only the framework but also the specific mode of state intervention, one which affects the forms of the social bond rather than the structure of society itself.”
In his L’invention du Social, (1984) Donzelot traces social government to a specific set of policy debates and legislative initiatives that developed in France during the nineteenth century. With an increasingly militant labor movement and the incipient threat of socialism, liberal legislators sought policies that would mitigate antagonism between labor and capital without mandating too radical an agenda of social reform. The resulting “social rights” legislation was a specific instrument of social government meant to foster solidarity, both among workers and between labor and
capital more generally, as a means of ensuring social integration while blunting the specific indictment of the social order emerging from the socialist camp. Appropriating key Durkheimian themes, Donzelot describes the welfare state as one in which “this concept of solidarity serves to define not only the framework but also the specific mode of state intervention, one which affects the forms of the social bond rather than the structure of society itself.”
50. Elena - March 9, 2010 [Edit]Dear ACLU Supporter,
Check out the ACLU’s full-page New York Times ad calling on President Obama to stand firm on 9/11 civilian trials.
You were one of the first ACLU supporters to sign our petition urging President Obama to reject fear-mongering and stand by Attorney General Holder’s principled decision to try the 9/11 defendants in federal courts.
So, I want to make sure you’ve seen the attention-getting, full-page ad that the ACLU ran in Sunday’s New York Times.
It’s just the beginning of our all-out campaign to make sure President Obama stands up to fear-mongering politicians who are pressuring him to abandon the decision of Attorney General Holder to try those accused of the 9/11 attacks in federal court.
We need your continued help to impact one of the most significant decisions of the Obama presidency. That’s why we need you to do three things right now:
Call the White House at (202) 456-1414 to urge President Obama to hold firm and keep these prosecutions in federal court—where they belong.
Ask 10 friends to take action! We need every freedom-loving person to take action today. Please ask your friends to contact the White House today.
Support the ACLU as we mobilize people all across the country to take action before the president makes his final decision.
The trials of the defendants alleged to have had roles in the September 11 attacks are the most important terrorism trials in the history of our nation, and the world will be watching to see whether we stand up for due process, justice and the rule of law.
It would be a disaster to hold these trials in military commissions that have a record of failure and delay. Since September 11, 2001, more than 300 defendants have been convicted and sentenced in federal criminal courts for terrorism-related offenses—while only three defendants have been convicted and sentenced by military commissions.
You were one of the first to act. Now, I urge you to keep acting to encourage the president to stand strong in his administration’s decision to hold the 9/11 trials in federal court.
Thank you for standing with us.
Sincerely,
Anthony D. Romero
Executive Director
ACLU
Executive Director
ACLU
51. ton - March 9, 2010 [Edit]“I much enjoy a good argument but you don’t give many. You get upset and tell me to eat pie!”
elena,
excuse me for upsetting you…. it takes two ’sides’ to have an argument and i’ve always thought that it’s a shame that ’sides’ are taken…. there are too many divisions already, not enough harmony, and someone who likes to argue for the sake of arguing only adds to the problem…. rarely a solution. such is life. personally i don’t particularly like to argue, but i think you understand and acknowledge my point of view anyway, so i won’t belabor it. i apologize for interrupting the wonderful and ‘penetrating research’ you’re involved in here, you seem to enjoy your own company anyway, so i leave you to it.
excuse me for upsetting you…. it takes two ’sides’ to have an argument and i’ve always thought that it’s a shame that ’sides’ are taken…. there are too many divisions already, not enough harmony, and someone who likes to argue for the sake of arguing only adds to the problem…. rarely a solution. such is life. personally i don’t particularly like to argue, but i think you understand and acknowledge my point of view anyway, so i won’t belabor it. i apologize for interrupting the wonderful and ‘penetrating research’ you’re involved in here, you seem to enjoy your own company anyway, so i leave you to it.
52. Elena - March 10, 2010 [Edit]Have fun ton! I am definitely enjoying looking at the problem from a wider perspective than the purely personal one and beginning to understand what, how and why things happened the way they did.
Thanks for stopping by!
53. Elena - March 11, 2010 [Edit]Another paragraph from the article in post 48.
This is all related to cult mentality and adjustment.
“As such, duration, measured by the rhythms of military training, the educational calendars of the public schools or the pay schedules imposed by the wage system, has no specific beginning and no end, and thus inscribes no agency or telos—no will. For the worker, the prisoner, the student or the soldier, the performance of a task is ongoing and often without purpose.
Temporality itself has been socialized.”
Temporality itself has been socialized.”
This particular sentence is of fundamental importance. HERE is where we begin to see how the individual of our time looses the connection with his own will. People work because they have to work but it’s the instinctive center what is involved in the transaction with minor involvement of intellectual or emotional effort and little or no creativity. The human being becomes a body for sale, a producer of things, it is itself made an object. People work to make money but not to develop themselves and their society. Just to eat, survive and make someone else rich. The problem is of course the absurdity of the transaction but beyond the economic absurdity is the human absurdity. WORK must develop the individual and his community. To work is above all a creative endeavor. Without the creativity it turns against the individual, reduces us to automatons which is what most cult members already are by the time we arrive in the cult. In the cult, members simply add a supposed spiritual ingredient to the transaction and continue behaving like the same automatons making money for the guru justified by the now so called “spirituality” of the transaction.
These are the facts and they are pretty obvious and easy to verify! But what matters from another angle is the “dream”. The things that make dream! The ideals that inspire people. Those rest in the heart of each human being and they are powerful. It is time to wake them up to real life! Creativity cannot be the private property of a few!
___________________
Back to the article:
Back to the article:
Of course, the docile conduct into which the solidarities of social government induced its members did not originate with social rights themselves, nor did they appear with the normalized social units into which such individuals were adjusted.
Such modes of conduct, and the specific temporalities through which they were
enacted, were for two centuries already being quietly insinuated into the conducts of
modern people through those disciplinary institutions Foucault so well documented
in Discipline and Punish—the schools, prisons, hospitals and military barracks. In-
deed, there is a specific link between the forms of social government by which risk
was transposed from individual conduct to the collective responsibility of the social
totality and the docile temporality of the disciplinary institution. Foucault has de-
scribed the specific manner in which the production of docility is accomplished
through technologies of temporalization, and specifically with the deployment of
“duration” as a temporal frame.
Better adjustment of the worker to the normalized conditions of
production reduced the risk of accidents—a key governmental objective of welfar-
ism, yet one that substituted a collectivist, institutional responsibility for the indi-
vidual culpability for output and risks. As such, life under social government was
characterized by a certain docility of conduct under the normalized conditions of an
engineered solidarity—a “unwilled collective reality” in which individual agency
was itself no longer willed, but instead suspended within a socialized horizon of ex-
pectation, futurity and temporality.
38
The emergence of durational time is often tied to the dissemination of clock-
time in the labor process.
As a durational act, the temporality of an action is
not bound to its immediate outcome—the risks it entails—which have become re-
mote from the actor, incorporated into the institutional totality within which it is ex-
ecuted. The time of the docile body (and by extension, the time of socialized risk) is
measured simply as “duration”—as abstract, homogenous time, whose ultimate mo-
tivation and endpoint is “unwilled,” remote from the responsibilities of the actor,
fixed in the remote planning schemes of the institution.
39
Such modes of conduct, and the specific temporalities through which they were
enacted, were for two centuries already being quietly insinuated into the conducts of
modern people through those disciplinary institutions Foucault so well documented
in Discipline and Punish—the schools, prisons, hospitals and military barracks. In-
deed, there is a specific link between the forms of social government by which risk
was transposed from individual conduct to the collective responsibility of the social
totality and the docile temporality of the disciplinary institution. Foucault has de-
scribed the specific manner in which the production of docility is accomplished
through technologies of temporalization, and specifically with the deployment of
“duration” as a temporal frame.
Better adjustment of the worker to the normalized conditions of
production reduced the risk of accidents—a key governmental objective of welfar-
ism, yet one that substituted a collectivist, institutional responsibility for the indi-
vidual culpability for output and risks. As such, life under social government was
characterized by a certain docility of conduct under the normalized conditions of an
engineered solidarity—a “unwilled collective reality” in which individual agency
was itself no longer willed, but instead suspended within a socialized horizon of ex-
pectation, futurity and temporality.
38
The emergence of durational time is often tied to the dissemination of clock-
time in the labor process.
As a durational act, the temporality of an action is
not bound to its immediate outcome—the risks it entails—which have become re-
mote from the actor, incorporated into the institutional totality within which it is ex-
ecuted. The time of the docile body (and by extension, the time of socialized risk) is
measured simply as “duration”—as abstract, homogenous time, whose ultimate mo-
tivation and endpoint is “unwilled,” remote from the responsibilities of the actor,
fixed in the remote planning schemes of the institution.
39
36
Ibid., 412.
37
Donzelot, “Pleasure in Work,” 255.
38
Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: the Birth of the Prison, 151.
39
E. P. Thompson, “Time, Work-Discipline, and Industrial Capitalism.” Past and Present, 38
Linked with a wider rigidification of the intrinsic volun-
Binkley: The Work of Neoliberal Governmentality
73
Ibid., 412.
37
Donzelot, “Pleasure in Work,” 255.
38
Michel Foucault, Discipline and Punish: the Birth of the Prison, 151.
39
E. P. Thompson, “Time, Work-Discipline, and Industrial Capitalism.” Past and Present, 38
Linked with a wider rigidification of the intrinsic volun-
Binkley: The Work of Neoliberal Governmentality
73
tarism and spontaneity that characterizes personal and social life, the notion of dura-
tion is, in historical literature on temporality, associated with the reification of the
natural rhythm and meter of everyday practice, specifically for the purposes of a
more thorough exploitation of the productive capacity invested in the temporality of
the act.40 E. P. Thompson’s well-known study of this process uncovers the manner in
which a task-oriented temporality takes over and displaces traditional temporal sen-
sibilities tuned to the rhythms of natural processes, such as the seasonal regularities
of agriculture.41 However, durational temporality is not simply a medium for the ex-
ploitation of labor: it is a means through which labor power is produced and sus-
tained as a force, both within the individual and within the social unit as a whole.42
Foucault provides such an account in his detailed discussion of the produc-
tion of docility in the incipient institutional temporalities of early modern societies.
He describes the inscription of durational temporality as a positive operation, one
that entails the decomposition of modes of conduct into administratively discreet
moments, and their simultaneous recomposition in the sequence of a disciplinary
practice. Foucault’s account of the “temporal elaboration of the act” describes the
precise manner in which an increasingly refined demarcation and segmentation of
temporal units takes place in the marching instructions given to French foot soldiers
in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, wherein the simple step of the soldier is
subjected to an increasingly precise division that expands from one to four basic
movements in the course of a century.
tion is, in historical literature on temporality, associated with the reification of the
natural rhythm and meter of everyday practice, specifically for the purposes of a
more thorough exploitation of the productive capacity invested in the temporality of
the act.40 E. P. Thompson’s well-known study of this process uncovers the manner in
which a task-oriented temporality takes over and displaces traditional temporal sen-
sibilities tuned to the rhythms of natural processes, such as the seasonal regularities
of agriculture.41 However, durational temporality is not simply a medium for the ex-
ploitation of labor: it is a means through which labor power is produced and sus-
tained as a force, both within the individual and within the social unit as a whole.42
Foucault provides such an account in his detailed discussion of the produc-
tion of docility in the incipient institutional temporalities of early modern societies.
He describes the inscription of durational temporality as a positive operation, one
that entails the decomposition of modes of conduct into administratively discreet
moments, and their simultaneous recomposition in the sequence of a disciplinary
practice. Foucault’s account of the “temporal elaboration of the act” describes the
precise manner in which an increasingly refined demarcation and segmentation of
temporal units takes place in the marching instructions given to French foot soldiers
in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, wherein the simple step of the soldier is
subjected to an increasingly precise division that expands from one to four basic
movements in the course of a century.
Thompson shows how the disciplining of work-time functioned as much to fashion
the basis for collectivist opposition to capitalist exploitation as to ensure the condi-
tions for the extraction of profits from the bodies or workers. Similarly, durational
time is, as Donzelot has shown, a mechanism of social integration and for the forma-
tion of unwilled collective realities and de-responsibilized conducts, wherein risk is
socialized and the agency of individuals is transposed from to the horizons of indi-
vidual actions to those of institutional norms.
43
“The act is broken down into its elements;
the position of the body, limbs, articulations is defined; to each movement are as-
signed a direction, an aptitude, a duration; their order of succession is prescribed.
Time penetrates the body and with it all the meticulous controls of power.”44
This segmentation is not without aim, but neither is it specifically teleological.
It is not completed with the exploitation of labor for profit, but is instead ongoing
and productive, seeking as much to produce labor power as a permanent potential
the basis for collectivist opposition to capitalist exploitation as to ensure the condi-
tions for the extraction of profits from the bodies or workers. Similarly, durational
time is, as Donzelot has shown, a mechanism of social integration and for the forma-
tion of unwilled collective realities and de-responsibilized conducts, wherein risk is
socialized and the agency of individuals is transposed from to the horizons of indi-
vidual actions to those of institutional norms.
43
“The act is broken down into its elements;
the position of the body, limbs, articulations is defined; to each movement are as-
signed a direction, an aptitude, a duration; their order of succession is prescribed.
Time penetrates the body and with it all the meticulous controls of power.”44
This segmentation is not without aim, but neither is it specifically teleological.
It is not completed with the exploitation of labor for profit, but is instead ongoing
and productive, seeking as much to produce labor power as a permanent potential
(1967): 56-97 and Evitar Zerubavel, Hidden Rhythms: Schedules and Calendars in Social Life
(Berkeley, CA: University of California Press), 1985.
40
Zerubavel, 2-5.
41
Thompson, 61.
42
Foucault, Discipline and Punish: the Birth of the Prison, 159.
43
Ibid., 151.
44
Ibid., 152.
Foucault Studies, No. 6, pp. 60-78.
74
(Berkeley, CA: University of California Press), 1985.
40
Zerubavel, 2-5.
41
Thompson, 61.
42
Foucault, Discipline and Punish: the Birth of the Prison, 159.
43
Ibid., 151.
44
Ibid., 152.
Foucault Studies, No. 6, pp. 60-78.
74
of the individual and to articulate this potential together with the ongoing function-
ing of the factory, as to secure its exploitation.45 Foucault describes the production of
durational temporality: for the French foot soldier of the eighteenth century, bodily
practice was reintegrated into a new docile temporality—the military march—which
is directed to a new endpoint or goal, characterized by the general enhancement of
productive forces, both for the individual himself, and for the institution of which he
is a member. In other words, durational time acquires meaning as a permanent and
ongoing exercise. “Exercise, having become an element in the political technology of
the body and of duration, does not culminate in a beyond, but tends toward a sub-
jection that has never reached its limit.”46
Keep working, boys, but the sooner you forget about needing a paycheck, the
easier your adult life will be. Keep using your brain, work for free, and soon your
mind will show you ways of making money far beyond what I could ever pay
you. You will see things that other people never see. Opportunities right in front
of their noses. Most people never see these opportunities because they’re looking
for money and security, so that’s all they get. The moment you see one opportu-
nity, you will see them for the rest of your life.
As such, duration, measured by the
rhythms of military training, the educational calendars of the public schools or the
pay schedules imposed by the wage system, has no specific beginning and no end,
and thus inscribes no agency or telos—no will. For the worker, the prisoner, the stu-
dent or the soldier, the performance of a task is ongoing and often without purpose.
Temporality itself has been socialized.
ing of the factory, as to secure its exploitation.45 Foucault describes the production of
durational temporality: for the French foot soldier of the eighteenth century, bodily
practice was reintegrated into a new docile temporality—the military march—which
is directed to a new endpoint or goal, characterized by the general enhancement of
productive forces, both for the individual himself, and for the institution of which he
is a member. In other words, durational time acquires meaning as a permanent and
ongoing exercise. “Exercise, having become an element in the political technology of
the body and of duration, does not culminate in a beyond, but tends toward a sub-
jection that has never reached its limit.”46
Keep working, boys, but the sooner you forget about needing a paycheck, the
easier your adult life will be. Keep using your brain, work for free, and soon your
mind will show you ways of making money far beyond what I could ever pay
you. You will see things that other people never see. Opportunities right in front
of their noses. Most people never see these opportunities because they’re looking
for money and security, so that’s all they get. The moment you see one opportu-
nity, you will see them for the rest of your life.
As such, duration, measured by the
rhythms of military training, the educational calendars of the public schools or the
pay schedules imposed by the wage system, has no specific beginning and no end,
and thus inscribes no agency or telos—no will. For the worker, the prisoner, the stu-
dent or the soldier, the performance of a task is ongoing and often without purpose.
Temporality itself has been socialized.
54. Elena - March 11, 2010 [Edit]The ideas behind this paragraph are wonderful!! We will work on this for years to come!! These authors understand a lot of what needs to be understood about history, the individual and society, society and the individual. With exercises such as these, people can be both deprogrammed and reprogrammed! That’s what is so dangerous about cults! That people are reprogrammed but against their own self and society. This is basically an exercise on non identification with the institutionalized formulas but the possibilities it has are richer than the ones presented here. One option is the deprogramming against the purely instinctive result of the job but another is that of disconnecting the work from utility and connecting to the creative realm.
Reconnecting to the creative realm, that is what is needed, that will bring healing to the very sick society of our times.
_____________
From the article:
It was precisely this durational temporal orientation, the unwilled faithfulness to the rat race of a salaried job, that rich dad took as the object of the ethical work to which he exhorted his young student. He chastised this durational disposition for the flaccid spirit it exuded, but also for the lack of reflective awareness, the
truncation of the horizons of economic action it imposed. The way out was first through the renunciation of the mind- numbing comforts supplied by such conduct, from which would follow a revitalization of one’s willingness to confront risk, and a vast expansion of the horizon of economic opportunity. One of rich dad’s lessons involved inducing the two ten-year olds to work without pay for several weekends, under the argument that the experience would teach them that salaried labor reflected a lazy and dull-minded faith in a structured reward system, and that the true reward of work lay beyond the narrow rewards of the wage system. Rich dad explained his rationale:
truncation of the horizons of economic action it imposed. The way out was first through the renunciation of the mind- numbing comforts supplied by such conduct, from which would follow a revitalization of one’s willingness to confront risk, and a vast expansion of the horizon of economic opportunity. One of rich dad’s lessons involved inducing the two ten-year olds to work without pay for several weekends, under the argument that the experience would teach them that salaried labor reflected a lazy and dull-minded faith in a structured reward system, and that the true reward of work lay beyond the narrow rewards of the wage system. Rich dad explained his rationale:
47
The awakening intended by this exercise was one that was meant to turn the two boys to work on themselves—on the traces and residues, the inscribed habits and dispositions remaining from an earlier deployment of a collective social reality, and the displacement of responsibility and risk it entailed. The social, durational temporalities that are the residue of docility and durational time can be identified, not just in the generational rift between poor dads and their sons, but in the historical sedimentations accumulated in the bodies of those sons themselves, and in the readers to whom Kiyosaki appeals—a body that, as Foucault wrote in his essay Nietzsche, Genealogy, History, can be understood as the repository of historical inscriptions, or as he put it, the “inscribed surface of events.” Indeed, it is in this work that the ambivalence between the institutional forms of self-government, and the individual practices of self-rule, or subjection and subjectification, becomes operative.
The awakening intended by this exercise was one that was meant to turn the two boys to work on themselves—on the traces and residues, the inscribed habits and dispositions remaining from an earlier deployment of a collective social reality, and the displacement of responsibility and risk it entailed. The social, durational temporalities that are the residue of docility and durational time can be identified, not just in the generational rift between poor dads and their sons, but in the historical sedimentations accumulated in the bodies of those sons themselves, and in the readers to whom Kiyosaki appeals—a body that, as Foucault wrote in his essay Nietzsche, Genealogy, History, can be understood as the repository of historical inscriptions, or as he put it, the “inscribed surface of events.” Indeed, it is in this work that the ambivalence between the institutional forms of self-government, and the individual practices of self-rule, or subjection and subjectification, becomes operative.
55. Elena - March 11, 2010 [Edit]The conclusions of the author are weak but very helpful. Procrastination as a symptom of the malady can also be explained by the lack of motivation. In a world without creativity people are not inspired to work. No effort is good enough. The job will get done, the money will get home to pay for the basic needs but there is no inspiration. Boredom ensues and is numbed with television and other distractions that will reduce the capacity to act even further. It is in that state that millions of people are joining cults. The cult offers an ideal, an inspiration, a hope. And kills it as soon as the individual steps inside but he’s too sick to realize that the cure he’s chosen is worse than the malady!
56. Elena - March 11, 2010 [Edit]This joy,
this joy of being
this joy of life
is so deep
and so light
that even your absence
(dear, dear, dear friend),
is fine!
this joy of being
this joy of life
is so deep
and so light
that even your absence
(dear, dear, dear friend),
is fine!
Be well, where ever you are.
May love reach you every day of your life!
May love reach you every day of your life!
57. Elena - March 11, 2010 [Edit]“The emergence of durational time is often tied to the dissemination of clocktime in the labor process.
As a durational act, the temporality of an action is not bound to its immediate outcome—the risks it entails—which have become re- mote from the actor, incorporated into the institutional totality within which it is executed. The time of the docile body (and by extension, the time of socialized risk) is measured simply as “duration”—as abstract, homogenous time, whose ultimate mo-
tivation and endpoint is “unwilled,” remote from the responsibilities of the actor, fixed in the remote planning schemes of the institution.”
As a durational act, the temporality of an action is not bound to its immediate outcome—the risks it entails—which have become re- mote from the actor, incorporated into the institutional totality within which it is executed. The time of the docile body (and by extension, the time of socialized risk) is measured simply as “duration”—as abstract, homogenous time, whose ultimate mo-
tivation and endpoint is “unwilled,” remote from the responsibilities of the actor, fixed in the remote planning schemes of the institution.”
This must be kept in mind for future reference.
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